jueves, 29 de agosto de 2002


Ed o'brien - radiohead
Isabel Hilton
Thursday August 10, 2000
The Guardian

When General Pinochet despatched General Aurellano Starck in October 1973 on the operation that became known as the Caravan of Death, he cannot have imagined that the orders he gave would come back to haunt him more than a quarter of a century later. No doubt it seemed at the time like a routine operation to eliminate some potential opponents of the dictatorship.
General Starck left Santiago by helicopter on September 30, heading first south, then turning towards the copper-rich north of the country. Everywhere Starck's helicopter landed, prisoners were taken out and murdered - four in Cauquenes, 12 in Valdivia, 15 in La Serena - until the final stop in Calama on October 19, where 26 political prisoners were killed. The Caravan had lasted 19 days. In total, 72 prisoners were dead.

The episode was not the biggest in a series of death-dealing events initiated after that year's coup of September 11. But it has proved to be the one that has opened a crack in General Pinochet's immunity large enough for the astute and determined judge Juan Guzman to drive in a wedge. Guzman's case rests on a series of arguments that the Chilean Supreme Court has now not only accepted but reinforced. This week's decision is an important step forward in the painful process of putting Chile's legal system to rights after the systematic distortion of justice that took place under Pinochet's dictatorship.

The first hurdle that Guzman had to overcome was the amnesty law that Pinochet had passed to insure himself and others against the possibility of ever facing justice. Decree law 2191, personally drafted by the then justice minister, Monica Madariaga, a relative of Pinochet's, was published on April 19 1978. It exculpates from criminal responsibility anyone who committed crimes, was an accomplice in crimes or covered up crimes between the day of the coup and March 10 1978. It is still in force.

The list of crimes that the amnesty law pardons offers an illuminating glimpse of the methods employed by Pinochet's security forces: falsification and cheque swindles, for instance, are pardoned, along with all crimes committed by public employees through the exercise of their office, except for fraud. Homicide and physical injury are pardoned along with property damage, abortion, the abandonment of minors and, curiously, bigamy.

Technically, the law applied to crimes committed by the regime's opponents as well as its servants and its stated purpose was to reunite a divided nation. Some 69 political prisoners were released under its provisions, but the impression of even-handedness was a fig leaf. Most of the beneficiaries were the members of the security services who had committed crimes against humanity. Such few human rights cases as had been accepted by the criminal courts were promptly handed over to the military system of justice - a network greatly expanded by Pinochet for the purpose - where the amnesty law was applied wholesale.

The law was challenged, though, in 1986, when Ana Luisa Gonzalez filed a criminal suit for the premeditated abduction and homicide of her son, 17-year-old Jose Gregorio Saavedra Gonzalez. Jose had been president of his high school student body association and was in prison in Calama on October 19 1973, when General Starck's helicopter touched down.

General Starck was an enthusiast for the coup - in fact, he persuaded an initially reluctant General Pinochet to lend it his support. He was an ideal man, therefore, to entrust with the Caravan of Death and had no scruples about ordering the 17-year-old to be murdered, along with 25 others. Like the families of 18 other victims of the Caravan of Death, Jose's family has never recovered his remains.

Mrs Gonzalez argued in 1986 that the crime of abduction is expressly excluded from the amnesty law because, until the victim or his remains are found, the crime is ongoing. The military courts promptly claimed jurisdiction and applied the amnesty law. Mrs Gonzalez had not achieved justice, but the principle she had argued survived and has been used by Judge Guzman as a key element in his strategy.

Judge Guzman's second stroke of luck was a matter of evidence. Like other mass murderers before him, Pinochet has not left a paper trail linking himself to his crimes. No written orders have come to light from Pinochet to his subordinates ordering them to carry out arbitrary detentions, torture and killings. But the events of the Caravan of Death do provide a direct link.

The 72 victims who fell on each stop of General Starck's helicopter convoy were largely connected with the copper mines - trade unionists, mine workers, engineers, mine managers. Many had reported voluntarily to the military bases when they were called in after the coup to be relieved of their jobs, only to find themselves imprisoned. Chile's armed forces, it is easy to forget, were at the time seen as less prone to the overthrow of democracy than many others in Latin America. It had been a matter of some pride in Chile that democracy had deeper roots than elsewhere on the continent. It was a matter of pride, too, to many of the officers.

So when General Starck arrived and ordered that prisoners be shot without trial, he occasionally encountered some resistance from constitutionally minded officers in charge of the jails. They demanded to know on whose orders such atrocities were to be committed. General Starck answered that he had the authority of the supreme commander, no less - thus supplying Judge Guzman with a vital link in the chain of evidence.

Pinochet's next defence, his immunity as a self-appointed senator-for-life, was perhaps the gravest insult to Chile's still partial return to democracy, however much Chile's elected representatives might struggle to live with this stroke of realpolitik. Whatever the final outcome of Judge Guzman's case, the supreme court, by a majority of 14 to six, has restored both dignity and credibility to Chilean democracy and for that alone must be applauded.

It remains to be seen how many heads of the Pinochet hydra still have life in them. It is still open for a military court to claim the case, but since the supreme court has ruled that the amnesty law does not apply, that option is neither as quick nor as convenient as it used to be.

The head of the armed forces has been quick to express his support for Pinochet, but otherwise there is little the military is able - or is prepared - to do to affect the judicial process. The case will take its course. The mental health of the general must now be examined, though his family are presently refusing to permit what they term an "indignity". To that, Judge Guzman replies that nobody is above the law. Until this week in Chile, that principle was more dishonoured than respected. Today, at least it has a chance
A New Book Detailing what Really Happened in Chile Under Allende's Communism and Pinochet, including interviews with key political figures on both sides, economists, "Chicago boys", ministers, journalists, and Marxist terrorists.

Chile: Two Visions, The Allende-Pinochet Era
by Karen Araujo and Paul Craig Roberts

Note: The book is forthcoming in Spanish from Universidad Nacional Andrés Bello (a Chilean university) and forthcoming in English too (publisher TBA). Both versions will be available from Amazon.com and other major booksellers...

This book is a study of Chile's turbulent recent history. It covers Salvador Allende's socialist revolution and explains how it sank Chile into chaos, economic deprivation, political turmoil, and illegality. It covers Chileans' repudiation of the Allende government three years later and their call to the military to intervene after the August 1973 congressional censure of Allende failed to stop Allende or convince him to resign.

By winter 1973, Chileans were desperate, as famine loomed in Chile and disorder reigned in the streets. Allende's government had so destroyed the productive apparatus that on Sept. 6, 1973, President Allende announced: "We do not have the most minimal supply of flour, at most for three or four days."

On September 11, 1973, the Chilean military intervened and put a stop to Allende's palace coup against Chile's longstanding democracy. The book explains how the incoming military government quickly restored production in Chile. Before three weeks, shops were re-stocked with goods and long lines for consumer products had subsided. The book details the economic plan-"the Brick"-- written by US-trained Chilean economists, and shows how its implementation by the Pinochet government lifted Chile out of the ranks of third world nations and put the country on a path to modernization.

The book tells the story of the 1980 constitution, drafted by civilians under the military government, designed to strengthen Chile's democracy and make it impossible for another dictator to arise, while laying the foundation for secure private property and a thriving free market economy. The book also details the orderly return to full-fledged democracy set up by Gen. Pinochet and the military government. The generals scheduled their own departure and turned over a booming economy and solid political system to democratically-elected President Patricio Aylwin. Testifying to the worth of the reforms, succeeding democratic governments have not overturned the work of the generals.

The book details the war against Marxist terrorists who aimed to establish communism in Chile. During the Cold War, like other countries in Latin America, Chile was targeted by the Castro regime in Cuba and its Soviet backers for armed insurrection and socialist revolution. The Soviet Bloc provided material, logistical, and financial support to the Marxist terrorists in Chile, who belonged to groups such as the Movement of the Revolutionary Left (MIR), the Manuel Rodriguez Front (FMR), and the Socialist and Communist parties. The war lasted from 1965-1994 and was fought by the Eduardo Frei, Sr. government (1964-70), the Pinochet government (1973-1990) and the Aylwin government (1990-1994). The book contains extensive documentation on terrorist attacks in Chile, including numerous bombings, assassinations and assaults on military installations and the country's infrastructure, and draws on interviews with former terrorists.

Based on both left-wing and military sources, including testimony from both sides, the book covers the Chilean military's efforts to put down Marxist terrorism in Chile. The actions undertaken to fight terrorism garnered the Pinochet government the reputation as a human rights offender. The international press never reported the activities of Chile's violent left. Former leftist terrorists cooperated with the authors and told their story because they want their place in Chilean history.

The Pinochet government was the most successful government Chile has ever known. Yet, the world views Pinochet as a monstrous dictator and Allende as a caring social democrat. The book tells the story of how the myth of Allende was created and shows its continuing deleterious effect on Chile. The October 1998 arrest of Pinochet in Britain on a warrant issued by a low-level Spanish magistrate was a stunning outcome of the triumph of communist propaganda over fact.
The Truth About Pinochet:
Chile's legacy of torture, murder,
international terrorism and "the disappeared"
"Never a leaf moves in Chile without my knowing of it" — General Pinochet 1975
quiero comprar la casa de la geisha!!!!!

domingo, 18 de agosto de 2002

hi suckesesss
Adopto un posicion comoda para luego mirar al techo, el traga luz, sucio pero no deformado, le señalo en que momento estaba, movio su cabeza para fijarla en el bebe que estaba gesticulando en [la superficie] sus movimientos parecian normales mientras que los del reparador eran subitamente ajenos a lo establecido

agarró el control y con agresividad separo cada uno de los dedos de la mano del bebé
-dedito del medio, ¡chop!-
-anular, ¡chop!-
uno a uno los dedos se dispersaron, los muñones sangrantes escupian de acuerdo a la presion arterial

azotó el cuerpo del bebe, [sangre] salpicaba] frente a sus ojos, sus cejas sabian eso y no se inmutaban

despues que la pierna derecha estaba diez veces (su propia distancia con respecto) a la posicion inicial

sus ojos se tiñieron de rojo oscuro y su boca no se separaba del extasis que le provocaba el divertido espectaculo que le proporcionaban sus manos

la pieza era blanca y no tenia por que serlo ahora, sin embargo el calido color que se formaba detras del reparador amenazaba con cambiar la habitacion

el piso estba limpio si no fuera por la inmundicia que dejaba la mierda que el dejaba ahi

-¡Tú!- gritó una voz a su derecha, mietras giraba su cabeza para ser estupidamente trepanado por una bala que salia de la mano del hombre -¡conchesumare!- gritó, antes de escuchar el craneo azotandose en la pared izquierda -venir a jugar con mi huea-
despues de apagar el computador se dirigio hacia el cuerpo del reparador y lo entrego al joven que esperaba con una bolsa blanca al otro lado de la puerta
[mientras]a la vez que recibia su tarjeta con nuevo cupo pensaba en lo que tendra que decirle al limpiador...

viernes, 16 de agosto de 2002


"centro de eventos entre alamos y cachapoal"

presenta: La exclusiva fiesta de disfraces




dia SABADO 17/08/02
hora 22:00 hrs
lugar camino San luis s/n
fono 451730
producción Germán Beckerman

miércoles, 14 de agosto de 2002

explicacion coherente de lo incoherente (o eso creo)
pienso que al metamorfosear la relación, proxeneta - mujer de la calle, debemos imaginarnos la ininteligible cantidad de parametros que influyen en nuestro caracter, mediando de esta manera, una interacción entre la sinergia espacial y la capacidad de desfragmentar nuestro pensamiento en inifinitas partes relacionadas con la gran pregunta, esto conlleva a una interacción biomolecuralizada y sintetica de lo que los terricolas llaman incoherencia


by tits


lunes, 5 de agosto de 2002

en relacion a las elecciones de bolivia yo cacho que hay que invitar a evo morales a chile

realmente no se nada, absolutamente nada
y estoy lanzando opiniones

tal como ustedes
que si estoy urgido por la SIES?
que si me siento como un conejillo de indias?
que si no sabia que la PAA valia hongo antes y ahora?
que el sistema de ahora es mas papa que la cresta,
y por eso hay mas profesionales cesantes que la chucha?

que si hay ensayos oficiales los mismos weones que se juaran bacanes
por ser parte de un centro de alumnos que no hace nada por los alumnos
nos convocan a paro, y retrocedemos al los malditos ochentas?

que si hay manifestaciones contra el SIES
yo me voy a quedar sentado en mi casita viendo como los mismos
chesumadres encapuchado que no sirven ni pa darselos a los leones
hacen mierda los sueños de los que realmente hacen las cosas


Se produjo un error en este gadget.